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Monday November 9th, 2026

Defense Ministry is unstable Ruwan tells Parliamentary probe

State Minister for Defense Ruwan Wijewardene says that the Intelligence Services did not convey prior warnings of Easter Sunday attacks to him.

Testifying before the Parliamentary Select Committee probing the Easter Sunday attacks Wijewardene said he should have been among those who had been given the warnings of the imminent attack.

Wijewardene also said there is a serious issue of coordination in the Defense Ministry and that the Ministry is not stable as there have been 5 Ministry Secretaries in the past five years.

He told the committee that this lapse was because of the October Constitutional Coup where there was a lot of mistrust between President Maithripala Sirisena and the government.

“After that crisis I was not even invited for the National Security Council meetings,” the Minister said.

Today’s committee comprised Dr Nalinda Jayatissa, Prof Ashu Marasinghe, Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, M A Sumanthiran, Minister Ravi Karunanayake, Chairman Ananda Kumarasiri, Dr Jayampathi Wickremaratne and Minister Rauff Hakeem.

Minister Wijewardene: National Security Council in 2017 discussed of the Muslim extremism in Kaththankudy. The issue that had been discussed was there were rival Islamic groups and some mosques had been attacked. There was no issue of terrorist activities. Not till the Easter Sunday attack that the issue of Islamic terrorism and their operations discussed when I was there. We did not get the warning and the NSC did not discuss it. Only after the attack the issue that the issue was discussed at the NSC level. We met soon after the attack and took actions to mitigate it.

Chairman Kumarasiri: Did the State Intelligence service inform anybody of that attack.

Minister Wijewardene: No specific matter had been discussed.

Minister Karunanayake: So did that warning not been taken at the NSC?

Minister Wijewardene: We discuss many issues. There were discussions of the incidents at Kaththankudy and the issue of Lankans going to Syria to join the ISIS and obtaining their training

MA Sumanthiran: Did you chair the NSC meetings?

Minister Wijewardene:  I sat as the head, but the meeting is conducted by the Secretary of Defence. He forwards the agenda for the meeting.

MA Sumanthiran: What was the role of the intelligence heads at the meeting? Isn’t it the purpose of the meeting to share intelligence gathered by various bodies in the NSC?

Minister Wijewardene:  I think so. We discuss several matters but there was no discussion of formation of a terrorist group or any readiness by such a group to launch an attack.

MA Sumanthiran: There were incidents in Digana in 20018 March. Was there any issue being discussed of the radicalization of Islamic groups?

Minister Wijewardene:  We discussed about the factions.

MA Sumanthiran:  What was the last NSC Meeting you attended before Oct 2018?

Minister Wijewardene:  I attended the NSC meetings before the constitutional crisis. I did not attend the NSC meetings during the crisis time.  I was not invited for NSC meetings thereafter. The last time I attended was Oct 7, 2018. Thereafter I attended the meetings of national intelligence only in April 2019.

MA Sumanthiran:  Did you ask as why you have not been invited

Minister Wijewardene:  I asked the Secretary defense. He told me that there was no NSC meetings per se. The President met only the persons heading various security establishments as per his needs.

MA Sumanthiran:  Apart from the secretary Defense, did you ask your minister, who is also the President?

Minister Wijewardene:  No I did not. I believed that situation arose after the crisis there were some disagreements between the President and the government. I assumed that I was not invited as a part of those disagreements.

MA Sumanthiran: How about Intelligence review meetings? Did you ask about that?

Minister Wijewardene:  I asked the Defense Secy. He told me that I would be called for the meetings after mid- March

MA Sumanthiran:  did you know that such meetings took place?

MW: The usual procedure was to the Defense Secy to contact my secretary and inform of such meetings. There was no such informing

MA Sumanthiran:  Usually where such meetings are taking place?

Minister Wijewardene:  At the Ministry of Defence

MA Sumanthiran: Your office is at the same ministry. When such meetings take place in the same ministry did not you ask as to why you were not present or you had been overlooked?

Minister Wijewardene:  I was not invited or I was not asked to come to those meetings.

Minister Karunanayake: do you think that there is a serious lapse of coordination

Minister Wijewardene:  Absolutely, there is a serious lapse of coordination. The stability within the ministry of defence too is questionable. There had been five secretaries since 2015.

Field Marshal Fonseka: Was there any other responsibility apart from the duties assigned to you by the gazette?

Minister Wijewardene:  No, I attended the meetings I was asked. I visited foreign countries when I was told. I attended the functions of the forces as the chief guest.

Field Marshal Fonseka: Ceremonial functions?

Minister Wijewardene:  Yes

Field Marshal Fonseka: They were not operational?

Minister Wijewardene:  No. I did not have decision making powers in operational matters.

Field Marshal Fonseka:  But in parliament when there is a question you are supposed to give answer. You are placed in a difficult position when you are asked questions in parliament

Minister Wijewardene:  Yes there were occasions where I was inconvenienced.

Field Marshal Fonseka:  Did you have any experience in defence related matters before you are given that position?

Minister Wijewardene:  No. I did not have defence experience. Now I have some knowledge since I was in the ministry for the past four years. We wanted you to become the Minister of law and order. We had hopes. But that did not work out

Field Marshal Fonseka:  I was recently invited to take over deputy minister of defence and a cabinet portfolio. The invitation was sent to me by the Minister of defence. But I did not take it because I was expected to take it and keep my mouth shut. But considering the situation now prevailing in the country one cannot take the position and keep mouth shut. Wasn’t there at any time Zahran’s name came up or was there any attempt by Intelligence to look into the matter to curb the menace

Minister Wijewardene:  The police had been instructed to continue investigations

Field Marshal Fonseka:  There had been instructions to continue investigations. Investigations had been continuing till the bombs went off. Did anyone issue instructions to suppress the operations of the Zahran’s group, they continued trainings and maintained camps?

Minister Wijewardene:  No such instructions were issued

Field Marshal Fonseka: Don’t you think that if the action had been taken early this disaster could have been prevented?

Minister Wijewardene:  Yes. Certainly it could have been prevented. There were several such occasions as far as I know. For example if the Kaththankudy police had done their job proper when there were clashes among the two rival Islamic groups on that day, this disaster could have been prevented.

Dr Jayatissa: You have been given four institutions the Ranaviru Seva Authority, Defence Services Command and Staff College, Defence College and the National Cadet Corps.

Minister Wijewardene: Yes, later on some others including the Civil Defence Force were placed under my purview.

Dr Jayatissa: So the institutions coming under were not serious enough to be taken for discussion at NSC

Minister Wijewardene: No

Dr Jayatissa: What is the responsibility and role of yours in attending the intelligence review meetings on Tuesday?

Minister Wijewardene:  I am asked only to give support to ensure national security. It is summoned by the Defence Secretary. He prepares the agenda with the Chief of National Intelligence.

Dr Jayatissa: On April 9 Director State Inteligence Service had sent a letter to CNI and Defence Secuy warning of the attack and where the attack would take place and who would carry out the attack. Did you see it?

Minister Wijewardene: I saw it after the attacks

Dr Jayatissa: So the State Defence Minister saw the letter only after the attack, is it so?

Minister Jayewardene: Yes

Dr Jayatissa: You have been provided Ministerial Security Division. They got the letter. Among those who got the letter was the Personal Security Officer assigned to you by the MSD. Did not the PSC of yours give that letter to you?

Minister Wijewardene:  No, after the attack I summoned my PSC and asked him. He told me that his duty was to protect me not to forward the letters he receives. He said he receives similar letters occasionally but they only took action necessary but not pass those letters or their content to me.

Dr Jayatissa: What is the nature of relationship between State Minister of Defence and the Director SIS?

Minister Wijewardene:  We are in contact. I think he informs us all important information. He decides what he informs me. He calls me and gives information that he deemed that I should know.

Dr Jayatissa: The SIS Director had the information but he did not pass it to you, isn’t it so?

Minister Wijewardene: No, I was not given that information.

Dr Jayatissa: What do you think of that now?

Minister Wijewardene:  I am saddened by the fact that I was not informed of the attack beforehand and not sharing that information with me. Only after the attack the Driector SIS told me that he knew of the imminent attack.

Dr Jayatissa: There was information of radical groups operating in the East, and of their terrorist activities. There was information to the effect that such groups were forming themselves and organizing themselves. Haven’t those threats been discussed at the NSC?

Minister Wijewardene: We discussed it but there was no talk of Islamic fundamentalism developing into terrorism.

Dr Jayatissa: Soon after the attack there had been an NSC meeting. At that meeting it had been stated that only six out of eight bombs had went off and there were two more to go. There had been also a talk at that meeting that the ministers should protect themselves till the remaining bombs exploded.

Minister Wijewardene: Director SIS said so. But there was no talking of ministers should increase their protection. But it was mentioned that couple of more bombs are to go off.

Prof Marasinghe: Now it is clear that you had not been informed of the prior warning till the attack took place. Whom do you think is responsible to provide that information to you?

Minister Wijewardene: Secretary Defence should have done that.

Prof Marasinghe: Who did inform you of the attack first?

Minister Wijewardene: The Prime Minister informed me. Then I contacted the Secretary Defence who confirmed it. The Secretary told me that there would be an NSC meeting and asked me to attend it. I did so.

Sri Lanka’s flash floods in capital point to systemic institutional failure, ignored directives

ECONOMYNEXT – As torrential monsoon downpours transformed Sri Lanka’s commercial capital’s thoroughfares into raging brown rivers on Friday (06) submerging vehicles, paralyzing public transit, and inundating critical facilities like the National Hospital, the crisis was framed by authorities as an act of nature.

But for the millions of residents wading through waist-deep water, the disaster was not merely meteorological. It was man-made, preventable, and a glaring testament to gross institutional negligence.

Vraîe Cally Balthazaar, the Mayor of the island nation’s biggest local governing body Colombo Municipal Council (CMC) posted on her FaceBook (Meta) platform just a week ago before the floods that people in her ward “have had to live with the risk of flooding for years” after the stormwater drain running through the Jawatta Public Cemetery collapsed in 2019.

She said in the post that she promised the residents that the CMC would get the repairs done before the end of September, and she was happy to say that the CMC has “managed to complete the work by September 15.

“And sometimes, something as simple as fixing a drain can make a real difference to an entire neighbourhood,” Balthazaar said.

However, the flash floods saw the same area heavily flooded despite the ‘fixing’ by the CMC.

Just 24 days before the floods, Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya herself issued a direct, unequivocal order to government officials and municipal authorities to treat the cleaning of Colombo’s canal and drainage systems as an exceptional priority.

She directed to expedite the work and complete it within two weeks to ensure proper rainwater management amid anticipated increases in rainfall.

Prime Minister Amarasuriya issued these directives while addressing the Colombo District Coordinating Committee meeting held on October 13 at the Narahenpita District Secretariat.

During the meeting, officials from divisional secretariat offices, the Agrarian Development Department, and the Provincial Irrigation Department highlighted existing challenges in cleaning drainage and canal systems, noting issues such as a shortage of technical officers and difficulties faced in formulating plans and estimates.

Her instruction came in response to early meteorological indicators pointing toward an intensifying inter-monsoonal rainfall season.

But the floods last week proved that these directives had been ignored, delayed, and left unimplemented by the very bodies sworn to protect the city’s populace.

Recognizing the chronic vulnerability of the commercial capital’s low-lying geography, the Prime Minister instructed relevant stakeholders to systematically clear Colombo’s primary canals, secondary outlets, and subterranean drainage systems.

Crucially, the directive came with a strict deadline: a two-week window to complete the comprehensive clearing of blockages, silt, and solid waste that choke the city’s waterways.

Colombo would not have had last week’s floods, had the Prime Minister’s instruction been heeded and executed.

But the Prime Minister’s instruction designed precisely to preempt the catastrophic urban flooding that has chronically plagued Colombo during heavy weather was ignored.

Yet, when the skies opened up last Friday (06), the two-week deadline had long expired into the ether of bureaucratic inaction.

The canals remained congested with plastic debris, unauthorized construction bottlenecks, and thick layers of silt.

The drainage systems, starved of maintenance, failed instantly.

Neither the central government machinery nor the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC) can wash their hands of accountability.

The ‘Clean Sri Lanka’ programme under the current government has been created to deal with prevention of flooding among many other ambitious goals.

“The responsibility for this damage must be borne by the President even more than the Mayor,” former Urban Development and Megapolis Minister Champika Ranawaka, a strong government critic, said on his YouTube platform.

“He is the head of the disaster management apparatus, and ‘Clean Sri Lanka’ operates under his direct leadership. Because of his actions and their administrative conduct, the entire state machinery has been brought to a standstill.”

Anatomy of Municipal Paralysis

When orders from the higher office like Prime Minister of the state can be casually sidelined by municipal inertia, it exposes a profound fracture in governance, one where public safety is compromised by institutional paralysis.

At the heart of Colombo’s drainage crisis is a systemic failure of local governance and inter-agency coordination.

The Colombo Municipal Council, tasked with the day-to-day stewardship of municipal infrastructure, waste management, and local drainage networks, has long operated in an administrative comfort zone characterized by reactive posturing rather than proactive mitigation.

When the Prime Minister’s directive was issued in mid-October, it should have triggered an immediate emergency mobilization.

Municipal work crews, heavy machinery, and desilting operations ought to have been deployed across every vulnerable ward, from the commercial hubs of Fort and Pettah to densely populated residential quarters like Borella, Wellawatte, and Grandpass.

Instead, citizens witnessed what can only be described as administrative inertia.

Bureaucratic red tape, sluggish procurement of maintenance contracts, and a lack of accountability mechanisms meant that instructions from the Prime Minister trickled down into endless committee meetings rather than field operations.

By treating a critical pre-monsoon cleanup as a routine administrative task rather than an urgent, life-saving imperative, municipal officials displayed a reckless disregard for urban risk management.

The government repeatedly said it has collected ample tax revenue to run the country. But that money could not be used urgently to protect the Colombo city when it was evident what was going to happen as per Prime Minister Amarasuriya’s instructions.

Furthermore, the failure extends beyond mere delayed cleanups to encompass chronic structural enforcement failures.

Over decades, Colombo’s natural hydrological buffers including its wetlands, marshes, and secondary flood retention areas have been systematically degraded or encroached upon by uncoordinated commercial and residential developments.

When drainage systems are clogged with garbage while vital retention pathways are blocked by concrete, even a standard heavy downpour is bound to trigger catastrophe.

Friday’s deluge merely exposed the cumulative cost of this willful administrative blindness.

Economic Toll of Negligence

The consequences of this systemic failure were borne immediately by ordinary citizens and critical public infrastructure.

The inundation of the National Hospital of Sri Lanka, where floodwaters unprecedentedly breached critical service areas, should be considered a national scandal.

That a premier healthcare institution can be crippled within 2 hours of heavy rain, jeopardizing patient care and compromising sterile environments, illustrates the deadly stakes of municipal failure.

Beyond the hospitals, small business owners watched their livelihoods float away, commuters were stranded for hours in gridlocked, submerged buses, and low-income families residing in underserved settlements suffered extensive property damage.

For an urban economy trying to anchor Sri Lanka’s fragile post-crisis recovery, recurring paralyzing floods exact a heavy toll in lost productivity, infrastructure damage, and emergency response costs.

Accountability

The CMC and government have pointed fingers at the illegal structures erected under past governments for the latest disaster. But this government has already been in power for two years.

In the aftermath of the disaster, routine finger-pointing between central agencies and municipal bodies also has begun, with officials attempting to deflect blame onto unprecedented rainfall volumes.

But meteorological data offers no refuge for negligent administrators.

The rainfall, while heavy, was seasonally anticipated; indeed, it was precisely why the Prime Minister issued her October directive.

When a directive issued by the second-in-command of the country is left gathering dust on a municipal desk while citizens face preventable devastation, the social contract breaks down.

The current government and the Colombo Municipal Council cannot hide behind excuses of resource constraints or administrative oversight.

Preventing flash floods requires more than issuing seasonal press releases or convening post-disaster committees after the water has receded.

It demands rigorous enforcement, transparent institutional accountability, and a zero-tolerance approach to administrative lethargy.

If the authorities cannot execute basic drainage maintenance, Colombo will remain structurally vulnerable, hostage to the next raincloud, and failed by the very institutions meant to protect it. (Colombo/November 08/2026)

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Sri Lanka rupee closes at 332.53/59 to US dollar spot, bond yields edge up

ECONOMYNEXT – Sri Lanka’s rupee closed at 332.53/59 to the US dollar spot on Monday, from 332.55/60 the previous day, while bond yields closed higher, dealers said.

A bond maturing on 15.09.2029 closed at 190/98 percent, up from 10.85/95 percent.

A bond maturing on 01.08.2030 closed at 11.07/12 percent, up from 11.05/10 percent.

A bond maturing on 01.02.2031 closed at 11.30/40 percent, up from 11.10/15 percent.

A bond maturing on 15.12.2032 closed at 11.65/70 percent, up from 11.55/65 percent.

A bond maturing on 01.11.2033 closed at 11.95/12.00 percent, up from 11.90/95 percent.

A bond maturing on 15.10.2034 closed at 12.10/15 percent, up from 12.05/12 percent.

A bond maturing on 15.08.2036 closed at 12.40/50 percent, up from 12.30/40 percent. (Colombo/Nov9/2026)

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Sri Lanka stocks close up 1.37-pct, banks lead turnover

ECONOMYNEXT – Sri Lanka’s Colombo Stock Exchange closed up on Monday, CSE data showed, with the benchmark All Share Price Index moving up 1.37 percent.

The ASPI was up 291.72 points at 21,531.37, while the more liquid S&P SL20 was up 1.67 percent, or 100.96 points, at 6,146.34.

Positive contributors to the ASPI were Commercial Bank of Ceylon (up 2.86 percent at 216.00 rupees), Hatton National Bank (up 1.52 percent at 399.75 rupees), Asiri Hospital Holdings (up 12.86 percent at 31.60 rupees), Tokyo Cement Company (up 5.22 percent at 84.70 rupees), and Access Engineering (up 3.93 percent at 81.90 rupees).

Carson Cumberbatch (down 4.24 percent at 712.00 rupees), Richard Pieris and Company (down 2.43 percent at 28.10 rupees), LOLC Holdings (down 0.62 percent at 400.00 rupees), Renuka Holdings (down 2.63 percent at 37.00 rupees), and Chevron Lubricants Lanka (down 0.61 percent at 204.25 rupees) were top negative contributors.

Market turnover was 3.33 billion rupees. The S&P/CSE Banks Industry Group led turnover with 667.76 million rupees.

The session saw heavy crossings, according to Raynal Wickremeratne, Head of Research and Strategy at NDB Securities. Significant crossings included Keells (23 million rupees), Distilleries Company (27.7 million rupees), Sunshine Holdings (30.6 million rupees), Commercial Bank (32.4 million rupees), Ceylon Tobacco Company (35.6 million rupees), Hatton National Bank (39.5 million rupees), Prime Lands (40.5 million rupees), and HAS Holdings (41.5 million rupees).

In corporate news, Hayleys Retail Holdings Ltd announced it has partnered with supply chain software provider Blue Yonder to build and scale an AI-native grocery supermarket chain across Sri Lanka. (Colombo/Nov09/2026)

 

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Sri Lanka’s Hayleys Retail to launch supermarket chain with Blue Yonder

ECONOMYNEXT — Hayleys Retail Holdings Ltd has selected supply chain software provider Blue Yonder to build its grocery retail operations from the ground up, the two companies said in a joint statement.

Hayleys Retail, a member of Sri Lanka’s diversified conglomerate Hayleys Group, plans to open several stores in the near future to serve consumers across the country. The agreement marks Blue Yonder’s first retail customer in Sri Lanka.

“Our entry into supermarket retail is about bringing that same commitment to quality and reliability closer to everyday Sri Lankan consumers,” Mohan Pandithage, Chairman and Chief Executive of Hayleys PLC said.

“With Blue Yonder, our teams will have AI-driven insight to deliver a seamless, consistent shopping experience across every store,” he said.

Hayleys, which accounts for approximately 5 percent of Sri Lanka’s export income and operates across 17 business sectors, is entering the large-scale supermarket space by drawing on its group strengths in manufacturing, logistics, and services.

The company selected Blue Yonder to connect its data across merchandising and shelf space, deploy artificial intelligence agents to catch operational issues early, and scale its business into a national network without changing platforms.

The rollout will begin with merchandise operations to manage suppliers, items, costs, and pricing, followed by machine learning capabilities to forecast demand and balance store inventory during seasonal peaks.

“Hayleys Retail is choosing one where AI is the foundation rather than an add-on—connected data and agentic AI built into core merchandising operations, and planning that learns as the business grows,” Antonio Boccalandro, President, APAC at Blue Yonder said.

The retailer plans to use the platform to automate routine store tasks and adjust inventory according to real-time sales and local market trends as its store footprint grows. (Colombo/Nov09/2026)

 

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Sri Lanka’s Citrus Leisure extends Lotus Tower management pact

ECONOMYNEXT – Sri Lanka listed hospitality firm Citrus Leisure said it has extended an agreement to manage consumer-facing and entertainment spaces at the Colombo Lotus Tower, which includes revolving restaurant Blue Orbit, until June next year.

The initial agreement signed between Citrus Leisure and Colombo Lotus Tower Management Company (Private) Limited (CLTMC) is due to expire on December 11.

“The Board of Directors of CLTMC at meeting held on 2nd November 2026 has resolved to extend the term of the Management Agreement and continue the existing Management Agreement until 30th June 2027, to which the company has given its concurrence,” the company said in a market filing.

Citrus Leisure Plc opened its revolving restaurant at the Lotus Tower in December 2023.

The company signed a 3-year agreement with CLTMC in May 2023 to provide services in the management of (l) the banquet hall 1 on the 25th floor, (2) the banquet hall 2 on the 26th floor, (3) the revolving restaurant on the 27th floor, (4) the 6 suites situated on the 28th floor and the kitchen in the basement floor of the Colombo Lotus Tower.

The 350-meter or 1,150-feet tower, the tallest in South Asia, was built at a cost 104.3 million US dollars with 80 percent of the money borrowed from Exim Bank of China.

Located in the commercial heart of Colombo, the tower has been called a symbolic landmark of Sri Lanka as well as a colossal white elephant and has been mired in controversy for years. (Colombo/Nov9/2026)

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CIC Holdings Sept quarter net profit rises 20-pct to Rs1.7bn

ECONOMYNEXT — Sri Lanka conglomerate CIC Holdings recorded a net profit of 1.66 billion rupees for the quarter ended September 30, rising 20.3 percent from 1.38 billion rupees in the same quarter last year, interim accounts showed.

The group posted basic earnings per share of 0.87 rupees for the September quarter, up from 0.73 rupees a year earlier.

Quarterly revenue grew 3.4 percent to 20.89 billion rupees from 20.20 billion rupees, supported by broad-based growth across industrial solutions, livestock, and healthcare segments, which counterbalanced relative demand moderation in agricultural inputs.

Cost of sales rose 5.3 percent to 15.20 billion rupees, outpacing revenue growth and causing gross profit to contract marginally by 1.2 percent to 5.68 billion rupees.

Results from operating activities dropped 7.3 percent to 2.66 billion rupees from 2.87 billion rupees, impacted by higher operating overheads.

Selling expenses expanded 6.8 percent to 2.15 billion rupees, and general and administrative expenses climbed 5.8 percent to 1.07 billion rupees, while other operating income dropped 29.6 percent to 117.40 million rupees.

However, operating profits were cushioned by an impairment reversal on trade receivables of 85.83 million rupees, turning around from an impairment provision of 23.38 million rupees in the corresponding quarter last year.

Net finance costs climbed 35.4 percent to 712.25 million rupees from 526.01 million rupees.

The increase was driven by a 30.8 percent rise in finance expenses to 771.46 million rupees, primarily reflecting higher interest expenses on loans to finance elevated working capital and inventory requirements.

The quarter’s bottom line was strongly bolstered by CIC’s equity-accounted investment in John Keells Holdings PLC (JKH).

Share of profit from equity-accounted investees surged more than fourfold to 590.50 million rupees from 257.87 million rupees, driven by JKH’s strong profit expansion during the period.

The group also recognized a gain on bargain purchase of 55.59 million rupees during the quarter resulting from additional share purchases in JKH where the proportionate net asset value exceeded acquisition cost, compared to no such gain a year earlier.

With associate income gains offsetting operating margin contraction and higher borrowing costs, group pre-tax profit held virtually flat at 2.59 billion rupees, down 0.11 percent.

Income tax expense fell 29.4 percent to 606.24 million rupees from 858.71 million rupees, driving total group profit for the period up 14.1 percent to 1.98 billion rupees.

Total group assets stood at 108.58 billion rupees as of September 30, up from 99.75 billion rupees at the end of March 2026.

Group net asset value per share increased to 25.52 rupees from 22.10 rupees a year earlier.

CIC Holdings’ ordinary voting shares closed at 27.80 rupees at the end of September.(Colombo/Nov09/2026)

 

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